ML Update 37 / 2012

ML Update

A CPI(ML) Weekly News Magazine

Vol.  15            No. 37                                                                      4 - 10 SEP 2012

Naroda Patiya Verdict:

Nemesis for Narendra Modi

 

When impunity has become the norm for political leaders who perpetrate communal and feudal massacres in our country, the verdict of the Special Court in Gujarat stands out as a rare and welcome one. BJP MLA and former Minister in the Modi cabinet, Maya Kodnani, notorious Sangh Parivar leader Babu Bajrangi and 30 others have been convicted for their role in the gruesome massacre of 97 Muslims at Naroda Patiya – one of the worst sites of the 2002 Gujarat genocide.

The verdict observed that the massacre was "brutal, inhuman and shameful," especially the slaughter of women, aged persons, and children including a 20-day-old infant.

The verdict demolishes the Gujarat Government's claim that the violence was a spontaneous 'reaction' to the Godhra train carnage. The verdict finds, "This was a pre-planned conspiracy and it cannot be mitigated just by saying that it was a reaction of Godhra train burning incident."

Most significant is the conviction of Kodnani, whom the verdict describes as a 'kingpin' of the Naroda Patiya massacre. Kodnani has been sentenced to a 28-year imprisonment term. Kodnani, a doctor and an MLA, was known to be a close aide of Chief Minister Modi. Witnesses testified to her role in distributing weapons and instigating and leading the mob that especially targeted women and children. As though mocking the charges against her, Narendra Modi had inducted her into his Cabinet in 2007 and made her Minister for Women and Child Development! The Gujarat police, and even the Supreme Court-appointed SIT had avoided arresting the powerfully placed Kodnani for long. She was eventually charge-sheeted and arrested by the SIT in 2009, and only then was she dropped from the Cabinet. Kodnani's conviction gives the lie to Narendra Modi's claims that his Government had no role in the riots. It is quite obvious that a ruling party leader of Kodnani's standing could have led the violence only with the blessings of the Chief Minister.

In the sting operation conducted by Tehelka, Babu Bajrangi had boasted on camera of having led the massacre. He had stated that after the massacre he had reported to the Gujarat Home Minister Amit Shah. The verdict sentences Bajrangi to imprisonment 'till death.' The conviction of Bajrangi and Kodnani holds out a ray of hope that, in spite of the attempts by the police and SIT to cover up Modi's role, Modi too will not escape justice.

With Gujarat elections due this year, and with Modi being projected as the BJP candidate for PM in 2014, the Naroda Patiya verdict comes as a reality check. Modi's attempts to project himself as a champion of growth and development rather than communal violence, too, have come a cropper. In a recent interview with the Wall Street Journal, even as Modi boasted of Gujarat's high growth rate, he was confronted with evidence of Gujarat's dismal showing on health and nutrition, which is below the national average and worse even than some of the poorer states. Modi glibly tried to trivialise malnutrition by dubbing it a 'middle class phenomenon', blaming it on Gujarat's predominantly vegetarian diet. Most appallingly, Modi blamed the poor health and nutrition indices of women in the state on 'figure-conscious girls,' who avoid nutrition for fear of getting fat. Such theories have made Modi a laughing stock, and have exposed the grim socio-economic reality that underlies the claims of 'Gujarat Gaurav' (Gujarat pride). 

Try as he may, Narendra Modi and the BJP cannot shrug off the taint of communal genocide – that the Naroda Patiya verdict has forcefully underlined.

Meanwhile, the 'other Modi' – Bihar's Deputy CM Sushil Modi of the BJP has suggested that the Bihar CM Nitish Kumar would make a good PM candidate for the NDA. Nitish Kumar, who has been projecting himself as a 'secular' alternative to Narendra Modi, has recently spoken against the illegal arrest of a Bihari Muslim migrant in Mumbai, and against Raj Thackeray's threats to brand all Bihari migrants as 'infiltrators'. But Nitish Kumar's rhetorical flourishes against Narendra Modi's communalism and the MNS' anti-migrant terror sound rather hollow when he continues to enjoy a cosy partnership with the BJP in Bihar. After all, ABVP goons in BJP-ruled Karnataka are doing exactly what MNS has threatened to do in Maharashtra – they have recently attacked nearly 100 migrant labourers, branding them Bangladeshi infiltrators.

The BJP, and its NDA allies, have been left red-faced by the Naroda Patiya verdict. The verdict has established the inescapable fact that a BJP-ruled Government and its top leaders presided over one of the worst communal pogroms in India's history. BJP's hands are blood-stained, and those who hold those hands, too, cannot escape the taint.       

Jail Bharo Call

Lakhs of People Court Arrest

Demanding Resignation of UPA Govt. over Coal Gate Scam

Protesting Corruption, Price Rise, Social Oppression, State Repression

Lakhs of people responded enthusiastically to the call of the CPI(ML) and All India Left Coordination (AILC) and courted arrest all over the country on 31st August, as part of an all-India 'Jail Bharo' protest, demanding the resignation of the Prime Minister who has been caught red-handed in the Coalgate scam, and of the entire scam-ridden UPA Government. They protested the privatization policies that promote corporate plunder of natural resources and public assets, unrelenting price rise, crackdown on the right to dissent and protest, and growing social oppression on dalits, women and minorities. Protests were held at 173 centres, and a total of 1, 35,000 people all over the country, under the banner of CPI(ML), CPM Punjab, Lal Nishan Party (Leninist), CPRM, and Left Coordination Committee (Kerala), were taken into custody in the course of the Jail Bharo protest. 

In the national capital Delhi, CPI(ML) General Secretary Dipankar Bhattacharya led the protestors in courting arrest, along with CPI(ML) Politburo member Swadesh Bhattacharya, Central Committee members Prabhat Kumar, Kavita Krishnan, and Delhi State Secretary Sanjay Sharma. Scores of protestors marched to Parliament Street, blocked a street crossing, and broke police barricades before being taken into custody.

In Bihar, a total of 50,000 courted arrest across the state, in protest actions that were held at around 30 centres. At many places, the temporary jails arranged by administration proved too small to accommodate the overflowing protestors.

In the state capital, Patna, 4000 activists marched from Gandhi Maidan to the city's most crowded Dak Bangla crossroads, which they blockaded for two hours, holding a mass meeting addressed by party leaders before being taken into custody. One contingent of protestors was detailed at Gardanibag Stadium while another was detained at Kotwali Police Station. Several Politburo and Central Committee members of CPI(ML) as well as mass organization leaders were among those arrested.

4000 activists courted arrest at Arwal, holding a massive public meeting against UPA-NDA corruption, after being detained on the premises of the Block Headquarters. In the course of the campaign towards 31st August, meetings were held at 200 villages in Arwal district, and torchlight processions were held on 30 August in all these villages. 

3500 activists were arrested in Bhojpur district, breaking the gates of the Collectorate and holding a mass meeting inside the Collectorate premises for two hours. 5500 people marched all over the town in Jehanabad before courting arrest. On 27 August, there had been a militant protest at the Jehanabad Collectorate and Bandh in Makhdumpur against feudal forces who had blinded a girl from an extremely backward community and burnt down her house. The impact of this protest could be seen on 31st August, where a large number of women and villagers from the dalit and extremely backward communities joined the Jail Bharo march.

4000 people in Siwan marched from the Bus Stand to JP Chowk where they blockaded the crossing for hours, and held a mass meeting before being taken into custody.   

5000 peasants and adivasis, who have been active in the recent struggles against eviction of sikmi sharecroppers, courted arrest in Purnea. More than 2000 each courted arrest in Darbhanga, Madhubani, Gaya, and Nalanda, while between 1000-1500 people courted arrest at Vaishali, Rohtas, Gopalganj, Buxar, Muzaffarpur, and Samastipur.

Jail Bharo protests were also held at Bhagalpur, Khagaria, Chhapra, Kaimur, Nawada, Shekhpura, Lakhisarai, Jamui, Araria, West and East Champaran, and Sitamarhi.  

In Jharkhand, 30,000 people courted arrest in protect actions held at 18 centres all over the State. In Giridih district, in the run-up to the Jail Bharo protest, there had been successful mobilization and protests against the new BPL list from which large numbers of the poor were excluded. These protests had forced the administration to distribute rations based on the previous list. Inspired by the success in these protests, more than 10,000 people courted arrest on 31st August. The campus of the District Collector was packed with protestors, and eventually the administration had to declare the Flag-hoisting grounds to be the camp jail and detain people there. Leading the protestors were CPIP(ML) MLA Vinod Singh and District Secretary and Central Committee member Manoj Bhakta.   

In Garhwa district, impressive protests were held both at Nagar Untari as well as Garhwa town, focusing mainly on the police repression unleashed in the area against party leaders and activists in recent times. The demand for the release of local activists arrested on false charges of aiding Maoists, and of senior leader Tahir Ansari who has recently been arrested, were the main demands of the Jail Bharo protest here, in addition to demanding scrapping of coal block allocations and resignation of the UPA Government in the Coalgate scam. In Nagar Untari, 5000 protestors marched to the Block HQs, defying the police's attempts to intimidate and demoralize them by arresting Tahir Ansari. 1500 protestors marched in Garhwa town and courted arrest at the District Collector's office. Protestors also courted arrest at Palamu main crossroad as well as Latehar.     

At the state capital Ranchi, protestors gheraoed the Assembly, which began its session on the same day. More than 1000 protestors marched from the Rachi railway station to the Assembly, protesting in particular against the land grab and eviction of adivasis as Nagri as well as on the central demands and slogans. They were stopped and detained at Birsa Chowk, where they held a massive public meeting. 

Scores of protestors courted arrest in Gumla and Lohardaga districts in South Chhotanagpur, Devghar, Dumka and Jamtada in Santhalparganas, as well as Koderma, Hazaribagh, Ramgarh, Bokaro, Dhanbad, and Jamshedpur.  

In Uttar Pradesh, more than 7000 people courted arrest in protest actions at around 19 centres. At Varanasi, the protestors who had marched to the District Collector's office to court arrest, were lathicharged by the police. However the protestors refused to disperse, and eventually the police had to arrest them. Protestors, including activists from Gonda, Kanpur, and Ambedkarnagar districts courted arrest at the State capital, Lucknow.  

Protestors courted arrest at Ghazipur, Chandauli, Sonebhadra (at district HQ at Robertsganj as well as Tehsil HQ at Duddhi), Mirzapur, Devaria, Balia, Bhadohi, Sitapur, Pilibhit, Lakhimpur Khiri, Jalaun, Gorakhpur, Allahabad, Azamgarh, Maharajganj, and Mau. 

In Punjab, the CPI(ML) and CPM Punjab jointly organized state wide protests where 15000 people courted arrest at 17 centres spread over 15 districts, including the state capital Chandigarh. The number of women nearly equalled men at most places, and outnumbered men at some.  2500 workers were arrested at Mansa and Pathankot, detained for a few hours and later released at far off places. More than 1000 protestors each also courted arrest at Gurdaspur, Barnala, Sangrur, and Jalandhar. CPM Punjab Secretary Mangat Ram Pasla led the protestors in courting arrest at Jalandhar. At Gurdaspur, Chief Minister Sukhbir Badal was visiting the city, due to which the police cracked down with greater force on the protestors. At the State capital, Chandigarh, protestors assembled at the City Centre Plaza to defy Sec. 144, and held a dharna raising slogans for over an hour. The police and administration retreated after a brief confrontation.

At Mumbai, 8000 protestors from all over the Maharashtra, mobilized by Lal Nishan Party (Leninist), CPI(ML), Maharashtra Sarva Shramik Mahasangh, Kachra Vahatuk Sangh, and other unions together, hekd a 12-km- long March from Currey Road to Azad Maidan. The protestors included workers, peasants, adivasi people, and anganwadi women workers, and 80% of the marchers were women. Workersfrom Dahanu (in Thane district), adivasis and workers from Palghar taluka, and workers from Pune, Srirampur, Jalna and other districts were present in large numbers. The protest march passed Byculla and JJ Flyover to reach Azad Maidan, where a mass meeting was held. The main leaders of this protest were LNP(L) General Secretary Bhimrao Bansode, CPI(ML)'s Mumbai-Thane Committee Secretary Shyam Gohil, Comrade Uday Bhatt, Dhiraj Rathod, and others. Protestors under the banner of CPI(ML) also courted arrest at Nagpur.  

 In West Bengal, AILC partners CPI(ML) and CPRM participated in the Jail Bharo campaign and protests. Around 10,000 people all over the State courted arrest at 18 centres.

In the extended jute mill belt in North 24 Parganas, 2000 workers stormed into the SDO office in Barackpore. Agricultural workers also courted arrest in Basirhat and Barasat. In Nadia, 1200 protesters entered the DM building in Krishnanagar, and were lathicharged by the police, leaving four comrades were wounded. In Bardhaman, CPI(ML) Politburo member Kartick Pal led 1000 protestors in courting arrest after marching into the DM building-court compound. In Bankura, demonstrators broke barricades into the district headquarters, and were arrested following a scuffle with the police. The presence of tribal people, agricultural workers and farmers was conspicuous among these protestors. Jail Bharo was also observed in Murshidabad district, after a protest meeting at the district headquarter Berhampore.

In Hooghly, a rally of 1000 agricultural labourers, sharecroppers, farmers and workers marched from the Chinsura railway station and circled the town for an hour-and-half, before offering civil disobedience at the DM bulding and courting arrest.

In Kolkata city, a decorated rally marched from College Square to Esplanade, and the agitators, including State Secretary Partha Ghosh, courted arrest after storming police barricades.

In Darjeeling, over 350 protesters courted arrest after demonstrations at the Siliguri SDO office in Hill Cart Road. Among those who led the protest were CPI(ML) leaders Basudev Bose and Abhijit Mazumdar as well as CPRM leaders Gobind Chhetri, Arun Ghatani, and Kishor Pradhan. Protestors also courted arrest in Jalpaiguri town, Alipurduar, Balurghat of South Dinajpur, Raigunj of North Dinajpur, Howrah, South 24 Parganas, Malda and Birbhum.

On 25 August, a DCPM rally led by Comrade Alak Nandy at Banton (West Midnapore) was attacked by TMC goons, and a mass meeting was held on 30 August to protest the attack. During the campaigning for Jail Bharo, TMC goons in Bardhaman assaulted CPI(ML) District Secretary Salil Dutta on 29th August. The statewide Jail Bharo protests on 31st August demanded arrest and punishment for the perpetrators of this political attack, and an end to the culture of political violence in the State. Apart from the demands against corporate loot and Coalgate scam, the protests in West Bengal also focussed on the assault on democracy and rising violence on women in the state. Protestors demanded scrapping of Operation Green Hunt and UAPA, release of political prisoners, siphoning off of NREGA funds for the CM's tour of districts on the eve of Panchayat polls, and rampant ground-level corruption.   

In Assam, the Jail Bharo programme, in addition to the central slogans, also demanded an end to the ethnic violence and communal campaign in the State. Protestors courted arrest at the state capital, Guwahati, as well as Nagaon, Jorhat, Bargang, Rajgarh (Dibrugarh), and Tinsukia. In Barpeta, Jail Bharo could not be held because of curfew, and so a delegation led by Com. Dulal Sarkar and Naren Borah handed over a memorandum to the DC, Barpeta, addressed to the Chief Minister of Assam.

In Diphu, Karbi Anglong, a protest procession from the CPI(ML) office to the DC office was arrested en route, and the protestors detained at a temporary jail, where they held a protest meeting, addressed by CPI(ML) PB member Rubul Sarma, as well as Karbi Anglong Secretary Com. Rabi Kr. Phangcho, KNCA leader Com. Pratima Inghipi, KSA leader Com. Laisen Ingleng and others. The protest meeting passed resolutions demanding dismissal of the Tarun Gogoi Government for failure to control the ethnic clashes in the BTAD area, to intensify the movement against the deprivation and betrayal of the Govt. on Autonomous Statehood, and demanding CBI enquiry into the cases of rampant corruption of the Karbi Anglong Autonomous Council.

In Tamilnadu, an intensive campaign preceded the Jail Bharo protest, with cadre meetings, workers' GBMs, and over a 100 padayatras were held all over the State, mainly in Chennai, Coimbatore, Tiruvallore, Kanyakumari, Salem, Tirunelveli and Namakkal. Jail Bharo protests were held at 19 centres in 16 districts, and 60% of the participants were women. A significant number of migrant workers participated in the protest at the state capital, Chennai.

In Andhra Pradesh, protestors courted arrest at East Godavari district HQ (Kakinada) followed by an impressive rally. Activists courted arrest at Prathipadu, Krishna District divisional HQ at Nuziveedu, Roluganta and Narsipatnam in Visakha district; Ananthpur, where an impressive rally was held; and Velugodu and Nandikotkuru mandal offices in Kurnool. 

In Odisha, protestors courted arrest at Koraput, Puri, Dasmantpur, Bhadrak, Rayagada, Keonjhar, Gajapati as well as the state capital, Bhubaneshwar. At Koraput, the police, on the pretext of curbing Maoism, disallowed protestors from holding a rally, arresting them at the Railway Station itself. All over the state, the protestors demanded resignation of PM Manmohan Singh as well as Odisha CM Naveen Patnaik for their role in the Coal scam, and an end to Operation Green Hunt's war on adivasis.   

In Karnataka, 1000 protestors courted arrest at Gangavati. Impressive protests were also held at Bangalore, Mysore, and Davangere. The attack by communal forces on migrant workers travelling to the State on the night of 30th August was one of the major issues in the protest at Bangalore.

Jail Bharo protests were held at Jhunjhunu, Udaipur, Pratapgarh, and Salumber in Rajasthan.

At Chhattisgarh, protestors at Supela including CPI(ML) and Chhattisgarh Mukti Morcha leaders were jailed at Durg Central Jail before being released. Dharnas were held at Raipur and Bilaspur, where participants courted arrest.

In Uttarakhand, Jail Bharo protests were held at Pithoragarh, Lalkuan, Bhikyasain (Almora), Rudrapur, as well as Srinagar, Gauchar and Joshimath in Garhwal district.   

In Tripura, an impressive protest procession led by the CPI(ML) State Secretary Mrinmoy Chakraborty marched at Kailashahar, (Unakoti District), towards the SDM office. Thye first police barricade was broken and activists were arrested after a scuffle at the second barricade.  

Protestors were also arrested at Udaipur, Dharmanagar, Belonia, and at Karbook Sub-Division in the Autonomous District area in Tripura. 

Jail Bharo was also observed at Puducherry, and at Port Blair (Andamans).

Workers' Convention in WB

On 11th August, a workers' convention was held at Budge Budge in South 24 Parganas in West Bengal demanding reopening closed industries, revival of sick industries and reclaiming workers' dues all over the state, and in particular in the Budge Budge industrial belt.  The convention was part of a continuous campaign launched by AICCTU, following the hugely successful 16th May workers' convention held in Naihati earlier this year. Factory workers, jute mill workers, organized unions like the Bata workers' union, construction workers, women workers, as well as artists-writers-doctors from the civil society assembled at the packed Public Library hall in Budge Budge. Comrades Kishore Sarkar and Nabendu Dasgupta of AICCTU addressed the assembly and comrade Atanu Chakrabarty conducted the convention.

Issues like the plight of workers of closed factories, claiming workers' dues (like PF dues) running into crores of rupees, oppression of unorganized sector workers like construction workers, demand for housing for factory and mill workers etc. were reiterated in the convention proposal and the anti-worker response of the administration and labour ministry towards workers' problems was condemned.

Representatives of other trade unions like UTUC, CITU, AITUC, National Union for Jute Workers, construction workers' union from the Bata Riverside Project also addressed the convention. The need for a broad and united trade union movement to reinstate workers' rights and demands was agreed upon by all. In keeping with this spirit, AICCTU had undertaken a sustained campaign in preparation of the convention which included involving the civil society to petition for workers' demands, campaigning in extensive areas, arranging several group meetings with workers, deputations to the New Central Jute Mill authorities, demonstrations at the BDO level with specific demands of construction workers - thereby stirring up the Budge Budge industrial belt with issues of workers' demands and health of industries becoming the center of discussions. A 'Mazdoor Bachao Manch' has been constituted to bring different trade union workers and workers' sympathizers under a common umbrella. The response and enthusiasm so far looks promising to strive for a relentless struggle on workers' rights.

AIPWA Convention in Guwahati

The Assam unit of AIPWA organized a state level convention at Press Club, Guwahati on 25th August on the topic of 'Increasing violence on women and role of society'. The Convention was addressed by leaders of different women's organizations including the Assam unit of AIDWA, NFIW, KNCA, All Tiwa Women Association, Niryatan Virodhi Oikya Mancha, Nari Mukti Sangram Samiti, Bihattar Noonmati Nari Niryatan Virodhi Oikya Manch, Women Studies Research Centre (Gauhati University), North East Network, Purva Bharati Trust, Asom Lekhika Santha, Mahila Karmachari Santha, Sadou Asom Janasanskritik Parishad, Natun Sahitya Parishad, Datal Para Cultural Women Organisation, ASHA Santha, Anganwadi Santha and a group of women students from Cotton College took part in the convention.

The Convention was conducted by AIPWA state leader Anju Barkatoky and two appointed speakers Arupa Baruah, writer and journalist and Dr. Akhil Ranjan Dutta, progressive writer and Associate Professor, Guwahati University, delivered their speeches on the topic. Sri Mukul Kalita, a local journalist, who came to the help of the victim of 9th July G S Road molestation, described his experience as an eye witness. Leaders of the said women organizations placed their views and suggestions on the subject matter of the convention.

The convention unanimously resolved to unite all struggling women organisations and develop a united movement against cases of violence on women.

An approach paper from Assam State Committee of AIPWA was presented by AIPWA leader Junu Bora and state secretary Mrinali Devi spoke about the aims of the convention. AIPWA leader Raju Baruah, state president Bhadrawati Gogoi, state member Kanaklata Dutta were present in the convention. The convention was well organized and enthusiastic and more than 150 women attended the convention.

Edited, published and printed by S. Bhattacharya for CPI(ML) Liberation from U-90, Shakarpur, Delhi-92; printed at Bol Publication,
R-18/2, Ramesh Park, Laxmi Nagar, Delhi-92; Phone:22521067; fax: 22442790, e-mail: mlupdate@cpiml.org, website: www.cpiml.org

ML Update 36 / 2012

ML Update

A CPI(ML) Weekly News Magazine

Vol.  15               No. 36                                                                                                                28 AUG - 3 SEP 2012

 

Cry of August 2012:

Corporate Rulers, Quit India!

Manmohan Singh Must Go!

Three months ago Manmohan Singh had made a categorical public statement promising to give up his public career and accept any punishment given by the country if he were to be found responsible for any act of corruption. His moment of truth came on August 17 when the CAG report on the coal block allotment scam was tabled in Parliament. But far from offering to resign, Mr Singh, who is projected by the Congress as the epitome of honesty and integrity, is now bent upon rubbishing the CAG and its findings. Confronted with the 2G scam, Manmohan Singh had sought to blame it on the intricacies of coalition politics. Now when his own culpability has been exposed in the Coalgate, he seeks to explain it away in the name of compulsions of federalism and constitutional procedures.

 

The coal scam is far more shocking and sinister than even the 2G scam. In June 2004 the Coal Ministry suggested that coal blocks be allocated through a transparent process of competitive bidding. It should also be noted that 2004 witnessed a quantum jump internationally in coal prices. Up to July 2003, coal prices were in the range of $25-30 a tonne, but with a sudden surge in global demand, China being the biggest contributor, coal prices soon soared to $60 and then zoomed to $180 by July 2008, before seemingly settling down in the range of $100-105 a tonne. But while the Coal Ministry suggested the auction route, it was the PMO which came up with a note highlighting the possible drawbacks of competitive bidding.

 

The government then raised the plea that switching over to the practice of competitive bidding required an amendment to the Mines and Minerals (Development and Regulation) Act, 1957. Yet by 2006 the Law Ministry made it clear that the government could introduce competitive bidding without resorting to any amendment in the MMDR Act. The government ignored the Law Ministry clearance and went ahead with its move to amend the MMDR Act promising to stall allocations pending the enactment of the amendment. Yet while the government showed no urgency in getting the amendments enacted, notified and enforced, allocations went on in with alacrity. Of the 208 blocks allocated between 1993 (when the policy of allocating coal blocks to private parties for purposes of captive mining and not commercial sale was adopted) and 2010, 85% allocations happened after 2006 and 63 allocations took place when Manmohan Singh was directly in charge of the Coal Ministry.

 

Manmohan Singh has questioned the CAG's evaluation of loss to the national exchequer on several counts. He argues that only such blocks have been allocated to private players where mining is most difficult and expensive and under the amended MMDR Act, 26% of profits made by these companies would anyway have to be spent by them for local development. The economist PM's corporate lawyer colleague who has now again been shifted to the Finance Ministry goes even so far as to question the very notion of loss when not an ounce of coal has been mined from the allocated blocks. Manmohan Singh chooses to forget that the amended MMDR Act is yet to come into force and would not retrospectively cover the period audited by the CAG. Chidambaram ignores the basic fact that the amount which could have accrued to the national exchequer if coal blocks were auctioned is not directly related to the actual volume and value of post-auction mining.

 

In fact, the Manmohan-Chidmabaram defence raises more questions while answering none. If production has not yet begun in the allocated blocks, why has these allocations not been cancelled so far? The very argument invoked for the dubious allocations made through the shady mechanism of a so-called screening committee pending the MMDR amendment and introduction of open, competitive bidding is that the allocations could not have waited. Delay in allocation would have affected GDP growth and generation of energy so crucial to the people and the economy. But if it was really so urgent why has no production begun even after years of allocation. If anything, the acquisition of mining rights has added to the economic muscle of the companies favoured, prominent among them are big players like Reliance, Tata, Mittal and Jindal, while contributing nothing to GDP and the national exchequer.

 

If the CAG has erred in estimating, it has clearly underestimated the whole scam. The draft report estimate of 10.65 lakh crores has already been reduced drastically by keeping public sector companies out of purview. The CAG's final estimate of loss is pegged at Rs 1,85,591 crore in the allotment of 57 mines to private parties between 2006 and 2009. But going by the experience of auction of six mines in Madhya Pradesh by the Madhya Pradesh State Mining Corporation (MPSMC) in November 2008, the CAG estimate is grossly conservative. The MPSMC auction – all the six mines auctioned have been underground, more expensive than the open-cast mines of Coal India Limited – has yielded 2.3-7.1 times the average amount the CAG has used in its report. In other words, the Coalgate is far bigger a scam than what it has been finally made to look like. The best way of finding the most appropriate estimate of the coal scam will be to cancel the allocations and auction them through fresh competitive bidding.

 

Manmohan Singh is invoking federalism and constitutionalism to explain away the coal scam and his personal culpability and complicity in the whole thing. If the government stayed away from allocating coal blocks through competitive bidding simply because a few states did not agree to the idea, why does it not give up the idea of inviting FDI in multi-brand retail which is being objected to by many state governments? If the screening committee mechanism is so sacrosanct in Manmohan Singh's notion of constitutional democracy why does his government refuse to show due respect to a constitutionally empowered and mandated body like the CAG?

 

Along with the Coalgate report, two other CAG reports, no less worthy of public attention, were also tabled in Parliament on August 17. One of these reports estimates a net largesse of Rs 29,033 crore gifted by the government to Anil Ambani's Reliance Power in an Ultra Mega Power Project while the other report exposes how the Civil Aviation Ministry has handed over the international airport in Delhi on a platter to the GMR group, leasing out tens of acres of land for commercial exploitation at a paltry annual rate of Rs 100 per acre and allowing it to earn a projected revenue of Rs 88,337 crore over a lease period of sixty years on the basis of an equity contribution of sheer Rs 2,450 crore.

 

The CAG reports corroborate with great details not only the mega corruption that is thriving as a direct outcome of the ongoing pro-corporate pro-imperialist policies of liberalisation, privatisation and globalisation, but also the systematic subversion of the constitutional basis of Indian democracy. The democratic paradigm of government of the people, for the people and by the people has been reduced to government of the corporates, for the corporates, by the corporates. Crony capitalism subverts popular democracy and constitutional procedures at every step with the help of its kitchen cabinet. The demand for resignation of Manmohan Singh must therefore be raised as an integral part of the bigger battle for reorientation of India's policies and rejection of the growing nexus between big business and power politics.

 

AIALA Initiatives in West Bengal

Responding to the state-wide call for protest demonstrations at Panchayats by the West Bengal state council of All India Agricultural Labourer's Association (AIALA), protests were launched in several districts of the state. AIALA members and activists identified critical areas affecting farmers and agricultural labourers, where the Trinamool Congress-Indian National Congress-led government has miserably failed the people. Burning issues like deliberate and systemic erosion of democracy of the Panchayats and the plummeting of democratic milieu in the state in general,  failure to issue BPL cards for poor families, fiasco over returning snatched  land to Singur farmers,  guaranteeing minimum wages for agricultural labourers (currently fixed by the govt. at Rs 171 rupees), ensuring 250 days of work at Rs. 250 daily wage under the NREGA scheme, ending corruption, and fair pricing for fertilizers were at the forefront of the AIALA demonstrations. The failure of the government to check farmer suicides also came under scathing attack.

 

The state AIALA leadership and the district leadership mobilized in at least 11 Panchayats in Bardhaman, 4 in Murshidabad, 3 in Birbhum, 3 in North Dinajpur, 4 in Darjeeling, 1 in North 24 Parganas, 1 in Bankura, 10 in Nadia and 9 in Hooghly districts in the form of mass demonstrations, and sent deputations to the respective Panchayats with their demands. More demonstrations are scheduled to be held in Bankura district and other parts of the state in the remainder of this month. AIALA is geared up for massive participation of farmers and agricultural labourers in the countrywide civil disobedience and mass arrest on 31st August.

 

Protests Against Growing Gender Violence in W Bengal 

That West Bengal has earned the ignominious distinction of topping the list of states recording highest number of crimes against women in the country in 2011, comes as little surprise to the local people, who read newspapers full of such ghastly reports each day. As per the National Crime Records Bureau figures, West Bengal accounted for nearly 12.7 per cent of total crime against women (in India) by reporting 29,133 cases, of which 2,363 instances of rape had been registered in 2011. This alarming trend is showing no signs of decline in 2012.

 

On 27th August, a woman was gang-raped in the Madartala area under Jadavpur P.S. when she went out to buy medicines for her ailing child. The woman is currently battling with trauma in the hospital. AIPWA activists went to the area on the same day, met with relatives and neighbours of the victim, and sent a deputation to the officer-in-charge of Jadavpur P.S. demanding immediate arrest and charge-sheeting of the criminals involved.

 

Earlier, on 14th August, Kolkata district committees of AIPWA and CPI(ML) held a joint demonstration at Charu Market P.S. and submitted a memorandum to the officer-in-charge after a woman alleged gang-rape near Chetla Bridge on 11th August. It was later revealed that the poor working woman was pressurized by one faction of the Trinamool Congress to allege rape 'falsely' in order to score a point over another faction. On the one hand the TMC-administration comprising of Mamata Banerjee and her ministers have been on the defensive, implicitly sheltering criminals and rapists by crying 'conspiracy against her regime' and playing the old game of blaming the victims. On the other hand, TMC is showing its true colours by forcing a poor woman to bring 'false rape charges' as a pawn in their factional infightings. The growing trends of lumpenization and anarchy in the political milieu post-'paribartan' is fuelling growing violence on women. 

 

AICCTU's All-India Protest Against Sacking of Maruti Workers 

As reported last week, AICCTU called for an all-India protest against the sacking of the Maruti workers, deployment of armed forces in the factory, and visit of the Maruti-Suzuki chief, on 22 August. In Delhi, a demonstration was held at Haryana Bhavan, where the effigy of Haryana CM Hooda and the Suzuki Motors Chairman Osamu Suzuki was burnt. AICCTU General Secretary Swapan Mukherjee participated in this protest. 

 

Demonstration were held all over Tamilnadu in support of the Maruti workers. In Coimbatore, a demonstration was held at Periyanaickapalayam in which more than 200 workers participated. Comrades Krishnamoorthy, state secretary of AICCTU, N K Natarajan, state President of AICCTU, Balasubramanian, state committee member of CPI(ML) and Chandran of LMW Workers' Union participated. 

 

In Chennai, a demonstration was held at Thiruvottiyur, a centre of big industries. The demonstration was led by Com. Sekar of Solidarity Forum, and addressed by Com. Sivaprakasam, Deputy GS of MRF union, Com. Palani, GS of Carborundum Universal union, Com. Athi Tamilan of Royal Enfield and Comrades Bhuvana, Jawahar and A S Kumar from AICCTU. Workers and leaders of TI–Diamond Chain and On Load Gears (Ambattur) participated.

 

The Sirkazhi Municipality Conservancy Workers' union held a protest, attended by 75 workers including 25 women members. It was addressed by Com Prabakaran, President of the union and Com. Ilangovan, State committee member. Protests in Tiruchi and Tiruverumbur on 24th August were addressed by Com S Kumarasamy, All-India President of AICCTU. In the latter protest, contract labours of Ordnance factory, workers of Xomox Sanmar Ltd, and Pudukkottai district committee members of CPI(ML) participated.

 

In Tirunelveli, a protest on 24th August was led by District President of AICCTU, Com. Thenmozhi, Com. Ramesh, State VP of AICCTU and Com. Ganesan, district secretary.

 

A massive demonstration was held on 22nd August at Puducherry town in support of the struggling Maruti Suzuki workers. The demonstration also pressed for the immediate reinstatement of 112 women workers who were dismissed at a stroke in VINBROS & Co, Puducherry, and opeining all closed factories and mills in the UT of Puducherry.

 

The demonstration was led by Com. S Motilal, State Secretary AICCTU in front of the Labour Commissioner's Office. Com. S Balasubramanian, National Secretary AICCTU, Com. P. Sankaran, Vice-President AICCTU and P. Murugan, (AICWF) led the demonstration, in which hundreds of workers including a large number of women workers, participated.

 

On 22nd August, AICCTU West Bengal organised a protest meeting in front of the Eastern Zonal Office of Maruti-Suzuki at Camac Street at Kolkata. A memorandum was submitted to the senior manager. Atanu Chakravarty, Meena Pal, and NN Banerjee were members of the delegation. Comrades Dibakar Bhattacharaya, Kishore Sarkar and Atanu addressed the meeting. 

 

Protest programs were held at 3 separate spots in Patna. A procession of workers led by the AICCTU General Secretary RN Thakur and State Secretary Ranvijay Kumar marched from R Block crossing to the ITO crossing, where the effigy of the Suzuki Motors Chairman was burnt. General Secretary of the Bihar Non-Gazetted Employees Federation (Gope faction), Rambali Prasad as well as Shivpujanprasad participated.

 

At Phulwaisharif block HQs, the AICCTU-affiliated Nalanda Biscuit Company Ltd Workers' Union held a procession and burnt an effigy. In another demonstration at Phulwarisharif, workers of the Sudha Dairy, and Patna district private vehicle drivers' and employees' union, demonstrated. At Bhagalpur, too, a protest demonstration and effigy burning took place in the midst of heavy rain, led by AICCTU State President SK Shamra and District Secretary Mukesh Mukt.        

 

Protest programmes were held all over Jharkhand. In Ranchi, a protest procession marched to Albert Ekka Chowk and burnt an effigy there. Organised and unorganised sector workers held a protest march at Jarangdih in Bermo Koylanchal (Bokaro). Another protest march was held at Bokaro's Naya Mod. 200 workers of Mugma Area (ECL) of Dhanbad district held a motorcycle procession led by CMWU leaders. A protest march and effigy burning was also held at Dhanbad towm's Randhir Varma Chowk, and at Argadda in Ramgarh district. Protest meetings were held at Jainagar and Chandwara in Koderma district.     

 

A protest meeting was held at Maroda Gate of the Bhilai Steel Plant on 22nd August, which was addressed by leaders of AICCTU, CPI(ML) and Chhatisgarh Mukti Morcha. On 17th August, a Convention was organised by AICCTU in Bhilai, in solidarity with Maruti workers and asserting the demand for implementation of labour laws.    

 

Demonstration of Electricity Board Employees in TN

Dr. Ambedkar Employees and Engineers Union affiliated with AICCTU held a day-long demonstration against privatisation, TU recognition through secret ballot, for filling up 53,000 vacancies, reservation in promotion, regularising contracting labour, wage agreement without work load (as the employees are already under heavy work load), and the post of mazdoor to be changed to 'field assistant'. Over 1000 employees and engineers participated in the demonstration.

 

Com. S Kumarasami, AICCTU National President, Com. Subramanyam, AICCTU State Secretary and GS of the union, Com. Ramachandran, President of the Union, addressed the gathering. The demonstration was led by Com. Chandramohan, AICCTU State vice-president.

 

Convention Demands Justice for Paramakudi and Bathani Tola

A convention was organized in Madurai on August 18 2012, under the banner 'Citizens for Justice for Paramakudi and Bathani Tola. The convention began by paying homage to the victims of caste atrocities and feudal and state-sponsored massacres.

 

Several grass root activists shared their experiences of atrocities and their struggles. Presiding over the convention, Comrade Simpson, a member of the Citizens for Justice for Bathani Tola, and State Organizer of the Liberation Front of the Oppressed, emphasized how the dispossession of Dalits from land and resources is central to all atrocities, and hence land struggle is paramount to Dalit empowerment. He spoke of the ongoing struggle for justice in the Paramakudi firing in which 6 people from the oppressed community were brutally killed. 

 

Com. Subramanyam, State Secretary of AICCTU (and General Secretary, Dr. Ambetakar Paniyalar and Porialars Sangam) said that that Ambedkarism and Marxism were the right weapons for Dalit liberation. He lamented the sub-caste identity which is inimical to the unity of Dalits' struggle.

 

Com. P.Chandir Bose, GS, Thiyagi Immanuel Sekaran Peravai, who led the gathering on which the police firing at Paramakudi took place last year, welcomed the move to unite with like-minded struggling forces.

 

CPIML CCM Kavita Krishnan termed the Patna High Court verdict on Bathani Tola a judicial massacre, and spoke of the feudal-communal politics of the Ranveer Sena. 

 

Dalit writer Ilam Parithi also addressed the gathering. In his concluding remarks, Com. Balasundaram, State Secretary of the CPIML questioned the impunity for perpetrators of massacres like Venmani, Thamiraparani , Bathani and now Paramakudi. He called upon the left , democratic and progressive forces to observe September 11, the anniversary of the Paramakudi firing, in TN as a day to commemorate the struggles at Paramakudi and Bathani Tola. The gathering endorsed the call.

 

A large number of CPI(ML) activists, Dalit activists and well wishers attended the convention, including a large section of rural and urban poor women. Several resolutions were passed in the convention. Comrade Mathivanan, District Secretary of CPIML's Madurai unit welcomed the gathering and Comrade G Ramesh, SCM of CPI(ML), presented vote of thanks.

 

Struggle Against Privatisation of Mumbai Municipality Schools

On 23rd August, thousands of Municipality schoolteachers, students, and the latter's parents, demonstrated at 24 administrative offices of the Mumbai Municipality to protest the move to privatise municipality schools. The protest demonstration was organised by the Republican Party of India led by Prakash Ambedkar, and joined by the Municipal Kamgar Karamchari Purogami Union, CPI(ML)'s Mumbai unit, CPI, Sarva Shramik Sanghatana, Republican Panthers and other organisations. The protest was organised against the move of the Shiv Sena-BJP-ruled Mumbai Municipality to privatise schooling.

 

CPI(ML) leader Shyam Gohil, Municipal Kamgar Karamchari Purogami Union GS Dhiraj Rathod, Republican Panthers leader Shyam Sonar, and RPI leaders Siddharth Kadam, Prateek Kamble and Tambe addressed many of the demonstrations. A five-member team of Siddharth Kadam, Prateek Kamble, Tambe, Shyam Gohil and Shyam Sonar visited many of the protest sites to lead the protestors.

 

The protestors demanded a stop to the move to introduce PPP (Public-Private-Partnership) in the schools; regularisation of teachers and non-teaching staff; free schooling for all students till Std. X; a ban on allowing any corporate house, private company, NGO or foreign institution to use the school grounds or classrooms; and recruitment of one clerk per 150 students and one main teacher per 100 students in every school.  

 

Seminars on Hydel-Power projects in Uttarakhand

Ever since the Vijay Bahuguna Government came to power in Uttarakhand, a lobby of fanatic supporters of hydel-power projects has come up, that has even violently attacked those questioning or protesting these projects, branding the latter as enemies of the hill-state. On the other hand, opponents of the projects have tended to be of a religious variety, for whom the main issue has been the pollution of the sacred rivers and submersion of temples. In this competing discourse between fanatic pro-project forces and religious anti-project voices, the voices of people affected by the projects due to eviction, destruction of livelihood, as well as of land and environment, have not been heard. In this backdrop, a series of Seminars have been organised by the All India Kisan Mahasabha, on the theme 'Hydel-Power projects in Uttarakhand and the Question of Pro-People Development'.

 

A two-day seminar on this theme was held at Joshimath on 28-29 July. This seminar was addressed by the AIKM's State President Purushottam Sharma, senior journalist Harish Chandola, Uttarakhand Mahila Manch convenor Kamala Pant; and Chetna Andolan leader Trepan Chauhan. The seminar began with a people's song presented by Dhan Singh Rana, and was conducted by Comrade Atul Sati of CPI(ML), leader of people's movements against eviction in Joshimath. A paper on the theme of the seminar was presented by AIKM State VP Indresh Maikhuri. Participants in the seminar included several leaders of traders, students, women of Joshimath, as well as several project-affected people.

 

A similar convention was held at Srinagar on 22 August. Since 22 August marked the second death anniversary of well known people's poet Girish Tiwari 'Girda', the second session of the seminar was dedicated to his memory.  

 

The Srinagar seminar began with the presentation of a Garhwali song penned by Com. Dhan Singh Rana who is from a remote Joshimath village. The song, presented by Jan Sanskriti Manch national councillor Madan Mohan Chamoli, speaks of how Uttarakhand's people have been betrayed by their own leaders, and called for people to rise up and join the communist movement.

 

The theme paper was presented by social activist Yogendra Kandpal, and addressed by Purushottam Sharma, Uttarakhand Lok Vahini President Shamsher Singh Bisht; CPI(M) state committee member Gangadhar Nautiyal; Nainital Samachar editor Rajivlochan Sah; Garhwal University Geology researcher Sr. SP Sati; Kamla Pant; Trepan Chauhan; Atul Sati; Ganesh Singh 'Garib'; Uma Bhatt; B Shankar Thapliyal; Garhwal University Teachers' Union Secretary Dr. Mahavir Singh Negi; Susheela Bhandari and several other activists and journalists. A highlight of the seminar was when popular singer Narendra Singh Negi sang his composition on the devastation of Uttarakhand's nature and people in the name of 'development'. 

 

The second session on 'Girda' was conducted by cultural activist Dr. DR Purohit. NS Negi sang a well-known composition by Girda. Many activists, writers, composers and cultural personalities shared memories of Girda and his commitment to people's struggles.  

Edited, published and printed by S. Bhattacharya for CPI(ML) Liberation from U-90, Shakarpur, Delhi-92; printed at Bol Publication,
R-18/2, Ramesh Park, Laxmi Nagar, Delhi-92; Phone:22521067; fax: 22442790, e-mail: mlupdate@cpiml.org, website: www.cpiml.org

ML Update 35 / 2012

ML Update

A CPI(ML) Weekly News Magazine

Vol.  15        No. 35                                                                 21-27 AUG 2012

Kokrajhar and After: Challenges for Democracy

The violence that broke out in Assam's Kokrajhar district in the latter half of July is acquiring murkier political overtones with every passing day. Had the state and central governments responded promptly, the violence could have been contained at a much earlier stage. But crucial time was lost as army intervention got delayed apparently on procedural grounds and violence was allowed to escalate. With the state found wanting in terms of administrative initiative and political will, fear and insecurity rapidly engulfed the lower Assam districts of Kokrajhar, Dhubri and Chirang. In an unprecedented instance of mass exodus nearly half a million people were compelled to seek shelter in relief camps. Low-key violence still continues to be reported from the area, taking the resultant death toll beyond 80 even as more people are dying in relief camps because of extremely poor sanitation and insufficient medical care in these camps.

Unlike previous instances of ethnic violence in Assam, the Kokrajhar incidents have had repercussions far beyond the state. The BJP was quick to smell a political opportunity in the Assam violence, blaming it on 'growing illegal immigration of Bangladeshi Muslims' and the Congress tradition of 'Muslim appeasement' and 'vote-bank politics'. Advani himself led the charge in the Lok Sabha and the BJP and RSS launched an aggressive propaganda blitzkrieg across the country against their pet theme of 'infiltration by Bangladeshi Muslims'. Some Muslim organizations in Mumbai organized a protest demonstration leading to clashes with the police leaving two persons killed and at least fifty injured.

And then began a vicious rumour campaign predicting post-Eid attacks on students and workers from the North-East in different parts of India. Thousands of panic-stricken workers and students began rushing back to Assam and other North-Eastern states from cities like Bengaluru, Chennai, Hyderabad, Mumbai and Pune. As trains overcrowded with angry passengers returned to the North East, passing through the already tense and violence-affected areas of Kokrajhar and neighbouring districts, communal polarization was refuelled in the state with reports of fresh clashes and even passengers being thrown out of running trains. Once again we saw the cynical use of modern means of communication including the social networking sites on the internet and cellphone messages to stoke fear and prejudices all around.

Several real facts and legitimate concerns are thus being lumped together to construct a mega myth, spread fear psychosis and serve the politics of communal hate and sectarian fanaticism. There is a feverish propaganda that the native population of Assam is being systematically swamped by Bangladeshi Muslim 'infiltrators' overturning the delicate demographic balance in the state and making Assam vulnerable to the mythical project of a 'Greater Bangladesh'. The bogey of 'Bangladeshi infiltration' is then tagged to the issue of 'terrorism', demonized all too often as 'Islamic terrorism' and now through the sinister rumour campaign the whole thing is being sought to be pitted against the sense of humiliation and harassment that students and workers from Assam and the entire North-East often have to undergo in many parts of India, not the least in the national capital.

The discrimination and harassment felt by the common people of the North-East, whether in their home states or in course of education- or work-related migration to elsewhere in the country, is rooted primarily in the overwhelmingly bureaucratic nature of the region's integration with the narrowly perceived 'Indian mainstream', uneven development resulting in widespread unemployment and repressive measures like the draconian Armed Forces Special Powers Act throttling the democratic voice of the people. The theory of Bangladeshi infiltration taps into this real resentment and seeks to channelize it in a communal direction by portraying Bengali-speaking Muslims as the biggest internal threat to the North-East. 

Next only to Jammu and Kashmir, Assam has the second largest proportion of Muslims, roughly a third of the state's population and there is a significant concentration of Muslims in districts bordering Bangladesh. But much of this concentration happened historically primarily over two phases of mass migration, first during the period of India-Pakistan partition and second during the emergence of Bangladesh. The Assam accord has fixed 1971 as the cut-off year to decide the legality of immigration and a few thousand people have already been deported to Bangladesh over the last two decades. Many Muslims who have taken shelter in the relief camps have lost all their papers in the recent violence and now the Assam government talks of rehabilitating only those who have valid papers. Riots cannot and must not be legitimized as a method of turning people into 'foreign nationals'.

Census figures show that since 1971, the decadal growth rate of population in Assam has been lower than the all-India growth rate. This clearly refutes the theory of a large and continuing inflow of illegal immigrants from Bangladesh, yet the RSS-BJP propaganda machinery is working overtime to scare the people with the threat of a lethal mix of cross-border infiltration and terrorism. This, the BJP hopes, could provide the cutting emotive edge of its coming Lok Sabha election campaign.

Within Assam, the BJP has so far failed to make any decisive inroad thanks to the strong influence of regional sentiment and identity issues. But with the progressive weakening of regional forces like the AGP, the BJP sees the current turbulence as a great opportunity to communalise the Assam situation and emerge as a key political force in the fragmented and yet traditionally Congress-dominated political arena of the North-East. It is ironical that the party which dubs every opposition to AFSPA as anti-national and seeks to crush every impulse of self-determination of ethnicities or tribal communities by aggressive politico-military means and thus stands in virulent opposition to the real interests and democratic aspirations of the people of the North-East, and which espouses a 'cultural nationalist' ideology that is deeply inimical to the identity and rights of the people of the North East and minorities alike, is now trying to project itself as the champion of the region and reap a communal harvest from the intricacies of the present situation. This dangerous communal gameplan must be defeated and communal forces must not be allowed to vitiate the atmosphere and endanger people's unity and social harmony in any part of the country.   

The widely publicized exodus of workers and students from cities like Bengaluru, Hyderabad and Pune – some of these people are returning to Assam not just because of fear but pressure exerted by the landlords who are refusing to provide accommodation to people from Assam – has come as a jolt to these growing corporate centres. In the recent past, there have been cases of actual attacks on students and workers from Bihar, Jharkhand and UP in Maharashtra by MNS/Shiv Sena goons – yet ironically enough that never resulted in the kind of scare and exodus that has been witnessed in the wake of the sinister SMS campaign and rumour-mongering that is still going on.  Guarantee of the security and rights of migrant workers and students in any part of the country is central to the notion of national unity and rule of law and no organization or government can be allowed to play with the lives and rights of the people. Over the years Assam has historically evolved as a melting pot of people of diverse linguistic and religious communities and ethnicities and a harmonious co-existence of the people in Assam is absolutely central to the strength and viability of the larger social mosaic that is India.

Forbesganj Struggle Continues:

People Construct Bhajanpur-Sheetalpur Road

Thousands of villagers armed with traditional weapons offered 'shramdaan' and volunteered as labourers in order to construct the Bhajanpur-Sheetalpur road at Forbesganj, Bihar, on 16 August. This is a victory for the people's struggle, which has braved the severest repression and communal encirclement.

This public road, which has been in existence for the past 60 years or so, connects the Bhajanpur village (mainly inhabited by 1000 families of the minority community), to the Karbala, Idgah, hospital and local bazaar. Last year, on June 3, police fired on a demonstration by local people protesting against this same public road being blocked off for a private factory owned by the BJP MLC's son. The factory itself was being constructed on BIADA land that had been illegally allotted. Police not only fired on unarmed protestors, they also jumped viciously on fallen bodies, displaying communal hatred. Four people - Mustafa Ansari, Mukhtar Ansari, Sajmin Khatoon and 8-month old Naushad – were killed in the police brutality.

A whole year has passed – but the people of Forbesganj are yet to get justice. The one-man enquiry commission has barely taken off the ground. Following the firing, the villagers had already constructed the road once last year at the time of Ramzan. But under pressure from above, the road was again destroyed. And the road continued to remain destroyed in spite of repeated appeals to the local administration. Recently, even the Home Secretary was approached, but the Government and administration did not act. Faced with a Government that obstinately closed its ears to pleas for restoration of the road, the villagers decided to construct the road on their own.

Id was approaching, and this road was needed for the villagers to approach the Idgah. Because of the condition of the road, they were even unable to reach the Masjid, though it was the month of Ramzan.

The construction of the road took place in the presence of the large gathering of adivasis and minorities, as well as CPI(ML) central committee member and former MP Rameshwar Prasad, State Committee member and former MLA Mahboob Alam, State Committee member Pankaj Singh, as well as other CPI(ML) leaders and activists.

Addressing the mass meeting following the construction of the road, CPI(ML) leaders observed that the Bhajanpur-Sheetalpur road was not part of BIADA land, and had been forcibly grabbed by the local MLC Ashok Agrawal from the BJP. Yet, the Government had taken no action against the MLC and had instead unleashed repression on the villagers protesting the grabbing of a public road. Keeping a public road in a deliberate state of disrepair and destruction is in itself illegal, since the Government has not acquired the land on which the road stands. There is nothing illegal, in such circumstances, in constructing a public road. It is the Government which is upholding an illegal act of encroachment and land grab, under pressure from corrupt, communal, and powerful local politicians. The CPI(ML) leaders demanded that in public interest, the Government ought, in fact, to make the newly constructed road pucca without delay. Following the mass meeting, a victory procession marched from Bhajanpur through the main road of Forbesganj up to the railway station.

The BJP and Sangh Parivar are making all efforts to incite communal frenzy in the Araria district, in the name of preparing for 'Mahaviri Jhanda' to coincide with Id on 19 August. Local BJP and JD(U) leaders like Ashok Agrawal and Moolchand Golccha are terrorising the witnesses of the Forbesganj firing. 12-year-old Talmun Khatun, who got a bullet in her back in the firing, was due to stand witness before the enquiry commission on 18 July. But the BJP-JD(U) leaders threatened her father Mohd.Zaheer Ansari, warning against her giving evidence. Though Talmun Khatun did reach Araria, intending to give evidence, Ashok Agrawal and his goons chased her away. The Government, instead of ensuring protection for the witnesses, is protecting Ashok Agrawal and Moolchand Golccha. Ashok Agrawal has been arrested on charges of murdering his employee, but he is yet to be prosecuted on the murder charges relating to the Forbesganj firing, which took place at his instigation. The Court is yet to take cognisance of the case.    

The CPI(ML) has demanded that the judicial enquiry commission should hold hearings in Bhajanpur rather than Araria, so as to ensure greater security for the witnesses.

Release Comrade Tahir Ansari

Withdraw all Cases against Him

On 17th August 2012, Comrade Tahir Ansari, a fighting mass leader of the CPI(ML) in Garhwa district, Jharkhand, was arrested by police in Chana village of Nager block at 11AM.

Com. Tahir belongs to a very poor family. He made contact with the party as a kaleen (carpet) worker in the adjacent area of UP. At a very young age he joined our party and within short time he was actively leading anti feudal struggles, particularly land struggles, against  the Nager Untari Estate. He played a key role in mobilizing rural poor in large numbers to capture thousands of acres of land that was illegally occupied by upper caste feudal forces in Garhwa district.

Later, Comrade Tahir also took very effective initiatives alongwith other party activists to face the onslaughts of Maoists to wipe out CPI(ML) in this region. Our militant mass resistance forced Maoists to beat a retreat, though of course many of our valuable comrades had to sacrifice their lives in this struggle.

In this process Comrade Tahir and other leading cadres of this area had to face continuous police repression and harassment, including many fabricated criminal cases. Defying all these odds, Comrade Tahir sustained his mass work and mobilized thousands of the poorest of poor people towards their political assertion. In last assembly election, we secured nearly 20,000 votes in the Bhawnathpur segment.

After the arrest on 17 August, the police initially tried to deny it. But through our prompt initiatives like interaction with the media, pressuring the DGP  and Home Secretary, and most importantly, massive mass protest, the police was forced to declare Comrade Tahir's arrest. Thousands of people from villages came to the street to protest the arrest of their beloved leader in false cases, and the protest march turned into a big mass meeting  attended by 4000 people. 18 August was observed as a "protest day" throughout the state, and Garhwa and Palamu pramandal in particular witnessed vigorous protest. On the afternoon of 18 August, Comrade Tahir was prduced in the CJM court. Thousands of people entered the court premises to register their solidarity with Comrade Tahir. The appeal against his remand was rejected and he was sent to jail custody. The SP of Garhwa presented Comrade Tahir before the court as a terrorist, a criminal, a commander' etc, and he was falsely implicated in 32 cases including some cases of attacks by Maoists on the police.

Comrade Tahir's arrest is part of the political conspiracy, dictted from the top, against the CPI(ML) movement and leaders in Garhwa. Some months back, CPI(ML) activists were arrested on charges of abetting a Maoist blast follwoing the abduction of Zila Parishad Chairperson from CPI(ML), Comrade Sushma, and a CPI(ML) procession protesting the arrest was met with brutal police repression. On 21 August, a no-confidence motion against the Chairperson Comrade Sushma, was defeated in the Zila Parishad. The arrest of Comrade Tahir was meant to demoralise the party to face the no-confidence motion, but this ploy failed.

The CPI(ML) continues to battle the political conspiracy against its mass leaders with mass protests and political resistance. The party is now preparing for a massive Jail Bharo protest on 31 August against the arrest of Comrade Tahir.

August 31 Jail Bharo Preparations

Padyatras by AICCTU in TN

At the call of the AICCTU's State council, all affiliated unions throughout the state are preparing for the Aug 31 Jail Bharo agitation. The preparatory meeting at Kanyakumari district held on 12 August was attended by 55 leading cadres and campaign padayatras  were planned which will culminate on 31 Jail Bharo. In Tirunelveli district, General body meetings of all affiliated Trade Unions were held. General body meetings of Washermen union , Loadmen union of Iron merchant area, Construction union, Loadmen union of Suthamalli area , Loadmen union of Civil Supplies Corporation and Auto workers union were held between 5 and 12 Aug. A demonstration by construction workers was held on 12 Aug., condemning fatal accident of 10 migrant construction workers in a construction site at private college owned by education mafia Jeppiyar. In Beedi Industry branch level meetings are being organised at Pettai and Alangulam centres in the course of preparation for Jail Bharo.

In Salem, 60 activists of various unions met on 12 August and charted out campaign plan. It was planned to carry out 9 padayatras involving 100 workers to reach out to 20000 masses.

In Chennai, District level  GB  of AICCTU  was held on 15 Aug., attended by more than 200 workers  of various Trade Unions of Ambattur,  Ayanavaram, Sriperumputhur and Thirumullaivayal  areas. Com. Kumaresh presided over the meeting. Com.Jawahar, Honarary President of state AICCTU, dealt in detail about the Objective of the Aug 31 agitation. More than 50 padayatras were planned during the campaign. About 30 migrant workers of Northern states also participated. Com. Bharathi of AISA,  Com. Kuppa bai on behalf of AIPWA addressed the gathering.

In Coimbatore, GB of Pricol workers was attended by more than 500 workers. GB elected new office bearers in a democratic way and felicitated the Retired employees. Newly elected office bearers were  sworn in by taking pledge to carry forward working class struggles , keeping  closer relationship with all toiling masses. Com S. Kumaraswamy , National President of AICCTU and NK Natarajan, State President addressed the workers . GB resolved to take up more than 30 Padayatras to reach out with the campaign message.

60 workers including five women workers participated in GB of Namakkal district. KR Kumarasamy and Saravanan led the meeting. K. Govindaraj, State GS of Civil Supplies Corporation addressed this GB. About 20 Padatatras covering Kumarapalayam, Pallipalayam, Thattan kuttai and Perunthurai of Erode were planned. It was decided to ensure minimum 1000 workers  for Jail Bharo.

Demands for a Legislation for TU recognition by secret ballot, President's assent  for LA bill 47/2008 passed by TN legislature to regularise Trainees, Against Capitalist path of development and for  pro people development, and Against loot, corporate plunder  of natural resources and for strong Lokpal were included for the campaign.

Protest Against Sacking of Maruti Workers

On 17 August, thousands of workers from various automobile and other unions in the Gurgaon-Manesar-Dharuhera region held a massive protest march at Gurgaon against the sacking of the Maruti workers. AICCTU and AISA activists and leaders joined this march, holding placards, that showed corporations like Maruti pulling the strings of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and Haryana Chief Minister Bhupinder Hooda.

Sandeep Singh, AISA President, along with other AISA activists, has been meeting the Maruti workers outside as well as inside the jail. Several of the Maruti union leaders and workers in jail were subjected to severe torture (including electric shocks, and rollers on the body) and demeaning acts while on remand. The workers' lawyer has moved court to demand a Medical Exam of the workers.

AICCTU's Countrywide Protest

On 22 August, the day the Maruti owner Osamu Suzuki visited India, AICCTU held a countrywide protest, burning the effigy of Bhupinder Hooda and Osamu Suzuki, and protesting the sacking of Maruti workers and deployment of police and paramilitary in and around the Maruti plant. At Delhi, the protest was held at Haryana Bhavan where a memorandum was also sent to CM Haryana.

We Stand By Maruti Workers

Below are excerpts of a statement that was distributed as a leaflet at the 17 August Rally.

"The events of 18th July demand a full and unbiased investigation. Why did the Maruti management introduce hired bouncers inside the factory? Why did the police do nothing to prevent the presence of bouncers inside the factory? Above all, the question needs to be asked – why has the Government of Haryana done nothing to ensure that Maruti and other factories comply with labour laws?

The denial of industrial democracy and violation of labour laws by corporations in collusion with governments is what has led to a spate of incidents similar to what happened at Maruti's Manesar plant: Pricol (Coimbatore), Graziano (NOIDA), and Regency Ceramic (Puducherry).

Why do the murders of an Ajit Yadav, a Niyogi, a Datta Samant, never evoke the same outrage from the media and the governments? Why is the death of workers at a Metro work site, or in corporation manholes, or in mines, or at construction sites – seen as acceptable, even routine? 

While 500 workers have been illegally terminated by the management, it is heard that fresh workers are being illegally recruited. Chief Minister Bhupinder Hooda has announced that many battalions of paramilitary forces with 6600 security personnel will be deployed around the Maruti factory. In addition, management has recruited ex-army personnel to be deployed right on the shop floor, fully armed. The already beleaguered workers' movement is now placed under the ominous shadow of the paramilitary forces! A new chapter is being opened in the history of India's industrial relations, post-liberalisation, where any talk of democracy, implementation of labour laws, workers' rights, dignified livelihood and equality will be seen as a threat to the state and Maruti workers will be made to work and assemble cars at gun-point on the shop floor!

The young workers at the Maruti factory breathed fresh energy into the labour movement in the country. We stand by them in their ongoing struggle for justice and for their rights. The defeat of the Maruti workers would mean the defeat of us all – and the victory of unbridled greed that sacrifices human dignity and rights at its altar. We cannot let the Maruti workers be defeated!"  

-- Aditya Nigam, Amit Bhaduri, Economist, Ashutosh Kumar, DU, Gopal Pradhan, Ambedkar University, Mohan Rao, JNU, Nivedita Menon, JNU, Prabhu Mahapatra, Labour Historian, DU, Sumit Sarkar, Historian, Tanika Sarkar, Historian, Achyutanand Mishra, poet, Badri Raina, Dr Hiren Gohain, Dunu Roy, Kavita Krishnan, Editor, Liberation, Mahtab Alam, civil right activist, Nandani Chandra, DU, Ranjana Padhi, Sandip Singh, President, AISA, Santosh K. Roy, Secretary, AICCTU, Satya Sivaraman, Shalini Gera (Chhattisgarh Mukti Morcha), Shankar Gopalkrishnan (Uttarakhand Nav Nirman Majdoor Sangh), Srinivasan Ramani, Sucheta De, President, JNU Students' Union, Thomas Kocherry, World Forum of Fisher Peoples, Dr. Uma Gupta, DU.

Dharna in Dadri

Revolutionary Youth Association held a protest dharna in Dadri town, in Gautam Buddh Nagar District, in 16 August and condemned the UP Govt. and district administration for its laxity in punishing the perpetrators of land grab and murderous attacks on RYA activists and members of dalit community. The protestors demanded that security be provided in dalit hamlet of Ramgarh village, administration take action and demolish the wall erected by village pradhan to encircle panchayat land reserved for dalits'  households, release of RYA activists jailed on false charges of attempt to murder, judicial inquiry into the incidents that led to bullet injury to a girl and kidnapping and amputation of both legs of RYA activist Tikaram alias Tinku. The dharna was addressed by Party CC member Kavita Krishnan, RYA leader Aslam Khan, AISA National President Sandeep Singh, Delhi University teachers Uma Gupta and Prashant, and JSM's Kapil Sharma, as well as Gaje Singh, Bhuvanesh, Prakashi Devi, and many other local activists. A memorandum was submitted through SDM with a charter of demands. SDM has promised to visit the village and take action, though he could not answer why no action has yet been taken against the  gram pradhan Kuldeep Bhati for grabbing dalit land and repeated assaults on dalits, in spite of repeated appeals and protests. 

Team Visits Disaster Hit Villages

A CPI(ML) team visited Bheti and Jhimargaon villages of Dharchula district in Uttarakhand which faced wrath of natural calamities and are still in danger. Many families have not been relocated even after three years of the disaster. Administrative officials never cared to visit the villages after the accident. Party has demanded proper relief and rehabilitation and provision for statutory assurance of relief in case of calamity. The team was led by CPI(ML) District Secretary Jagat Martolia.

Obituary

Comrade Haricharan Teli

Comrade Haricharan Teli passed away on 12th August,2012, after a brief illness. He was around 90, and is survived by his son and three daughters. Another of his sons, Comrade Gobinda Teli, was assassinated along with 6 others on 25 February, 1980 at village Hurua, Dharmanagar, Tripura, by the police of Left front government headed by  CPI(M) Chief Minister Nripen Chakraborty. A leading activist from the tea tribe, Comrade Haricharan Teli was one of the few comrades in Tripura who joined CPI(ML) early in its underground  days. Party activists and leaders continue to feel at home in his house even today.

Comrade Gobinda Teli, while he was a school student in 1967-68, had been a leading activist of the Tripura Students Federation, which was the state unit of CPI(M)'s student wing before the formation of SFI.

After the Hurua massacre on 25 February, 1980, in which his son Gobinda was assassinated, he took an active role in forming the "Hurua Hatya Birodhi Sangram Samity", and led a mass rally four days after the massacre. It was under his initiative that the case was properly placed before the Enquiry Commission headed by Justice  A K De, which was able to conclude, based on the testimony and evidence, that the Harua killings were cold-blooded murders by the police. However, the report of the  Enquiry Commission was rejected by the CPI(M)-led Government, and the police officer who led the massacre received praise, as well as promotion and special honours from sucessive LF Governments. 

Comrade Haricharan was popular among masses, and he also earned respect from the intelligentsia who hailed his bold and persuasive initiatives. Comrade Haricharan Teli was hard working and even in his last days always felt very inspired by the spirit of the Naxalbari Movement and by the news of ongoing mass movements.

Party leaders  and activists as well as masses gathered at his house to bid final farewell to Comrade Haricharan Teli.

Red salute to Comrade Haricharan Teli!

Edited, published and printed by S. Bhattacharya for CPI(ML) Liberation from U-90, Shakarpur, Delhi-92; printed at Bol Publication,
R-18/2, Ramesh Park, Laxmi Nagar, Delhi-92; Phone:22521067; fax: 22442790, e-mail: mlupdate@cpiml.org, website: www.cpiml.org

ML Update 34 / 2012

ML Update

A CPI(ML) Weekly News Magazine

Vol. 15, No. 34, 14 – 20 AUGUST 2012

For the UPA Government,

Students and Youth and Democratic Protestors Are 'The Enemy'

Students and youth from all over the country marched to Parliament on 9 August, the anniversary of the Quit India movement, demanding that 'corporate plunderers Quit India', and equitable education and dignified employment as fundamental rights. These thousands of young activists found, however, that the barricades at Parliament Street are not manned only by Delhi Police. Instead, the Sashastra Seema Bal (central Armed Border Force) had been deployed in large numbers! Faced with the ominous sight of the SSB contingent in full gear, the students and youth did not baulk. They marched forward and stormed the barricades – and braved a brutal beating by the police and SSB. What can be clearer proof that for the UPA Government, the country's younger generation and democratic protestors have become an 'enemy' force?

A few days after that, a villager who interrupted a public meeting in West Bengal to ask the Chief Minister a question about steep fertiliser prices and irregularities in BPL rations, was branded a 'Maoist' by the CM and thrown in jail under non-bailable charges! Maruti workers in Haryana are facing a virtual witch-hunt, with attempts to brand them, too, as 'Maoists' in order to justify an all-out crackdown on their trade union struggle. Intolerance towards and brutal suppression of dissent and popular protest is marking the entire country today, with the Congress and UPA-led Governments leading the way.

Youth in particular are feeling let-down by the growing crisis of employment and education. According Census 2010 data, more than 50% of India's population is under 25 years; and 70% of the population is under 35 years. This makes India home to the world's largest youth population. The Government often seeks to justify disastrous pro-corporate policies – be it land acquisition, FDI in retail, or opening up of crucial sectors of the economy for corporate control – by claiming that they would promote 'growth', create jobs for Indian youth, and expand educational opportunities.

Facts, however, show that corporate-led 'growth' has proved to be an all-out offensive on the rights and potential of young Indians. Let us consider the period of 2005-2010: five years which saw some of the worst scams. This was also the worst offensive of neoliberal policies. The Government's own data, made available by the NSSO, shows that this was a period of jobless growth. While GDP was increasing at a 9% rate, employment grew at a negligible rate of just 0.22%. In agriculture, on which almost 60% of the population continues to be dependant, the employment rate was minus 1.60%. And the youth unemployed in India make up almost half (49%) of the total unemployed despite the fact that, the youth share of the total adult workers is only 21%.

What has been the quality of employment created? The facts show that Government policies have resulted in a dangerous casualisation of the workforce. Young workers in particular are insecure and exploited. 50% of the youth workers are 'self employed'; 35% of youth workers are casual labourers. 26% of youth employed suffer from poverty (around 22 million). Around 40% of youth population are categorised as 'vulnerable'.

Even in the organized, manufacturing sector, we find a shrinking share of wages and rising share of profit. The rise in labour productivity was 5 fold between 1980s-2010. But the wage bill declined from 30% of net value-added in 1980s, to 11.6% by 2009-10.

The UPA Government, aggressively pushing privatisation of education, argues that the Government suffers from a fund crunch and therefore, the further entry of private players in the education sector needs to be facilitated. But this claim of 'fund crunch' needs to be confronted with some startling facts. The education budget in the entire 9 years of UPA rule totals Rs. 3.52 lakh cr – virtually equivalent to the losses incurred in the 2G scam and the Coal scam, which together amount to Rs. 3.56 lakh cr. Further, revenues foregone by the UPA Government every year as tax waivers for corporate is Rs 5 lakh cr - more than what the UPA Government spent on education in nine years!

It is in this backdrop that students and youth under the banner of the AISA and RYA have raised the question of dignified employment and equitable education – in contrast to the prevailing policy of appeasement of corrupt corporates and corporate plunder.

The courage and determination of the students and youth was in sharp contrast to the farce enacted by Baba Ramdev. From the beginning, the Baba made it clear that he would steer clear of any sustained movement, opting instead for a 'symbolic' protest on black money and corruption. After an equally symbolic arrest, he ended his fast, merely demanding that black money and corruption find a mention in the Prime Minister's Independence Day speech! The real purpose of the Baba's platform was clearly not to conduct any movement or struggle against corporate corruption, black money, or corruption in high places. The Baba has given a call to 'Oust Congress' – echoed by top BJP and NDA leaders who shared his platform, and he also received expressions of support from the Samajwadi Party and the BSP. Undoubtedly, the UPA Government at the Centre has emerged as one of the most corrupt regimes, and there is need for an all-out movement to teach this corrupt and anti-people Government a lesson and oust it from power. But a coalition of equally corrupt political forces (state governments and top leaders of BJP, SP, BSP, are all riddled with major charges of corruption) on a reactionary platform can hardly lead any real anti-corruption movement or any alternative to the corrupt Congress-led regime at the Centre.

The likes of Baba Ramdev and his corrupt and communal political allies must be exposed – and it is democratic forces fighting corporate grab of resources, students and youth, and common people on a resolutely democratic and anti-corporate plank, that can lead the struggle against the corrupt and repressive UPA Government.

Students and Youth Storm Barricades at Parliament Street

Thousands of students and youth from all over the country, under the banner of All India Students' Association (AISA) and Revolutionary Youth Association (RYA), stormed the barricades at Jantar Mantar on 9th August, protesting corporate plunder and the UPA government's pro-corporate scams, and demanding equitable education and dignified employment.

Before the students and youth marched to Parliament, they held a massive meeting, which blockaded the Jantar Mantar road. Waving red flags, and colourful painted hoardings and banners, they raised slogans of 'Corporate Plunderers Quit India' and 'Shame on UPA Govt that Subsidises Corporates and Sells Out Students'. The hoardings said, "UPA Govt Spends on Education in Nine Years What It Allows to Corporates to Loot in Just 2 Scams", pointing out that the total amount looted in 2G and Coal scams amounted to Rs 3.56 lakh crores – more or less equal to the Rs 3.52 lakh crore that is the UPA Government's total education budget of the last nine years!

The mass meeting was addressed by national leaders of the AISA and RYA, and the main speaker was CPI(ML) General Secretary Dipankar Bhattacharya. He said that the battle against corruption not be waged by the likes of Baba Ramdev who hobnobbed with communal killers and made deals with ruling class parties, and who ran away when the police attacked. He also said that Anna Hazare too had failed to target corporate plunder as the root of corruption. He congratulated the students and youth for taking corporate plunder head on – by barricading Parliament Street last year, and now by storming the barricades.

After a rousing call by leaders of the AISA and RYA leaders, the students and youth began marching peacefully towards Parliament. This march to parliament was participated by AISA and RYA leaders and activists from several parts of the country, including Tamil Nadu, Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh, Assam, Karbi Anglong, West Bengal, Darjeeling, Punjab, Maharashtra, UP, Uttarakhand, Bihar, Jharkhand, Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh and Delhi. The student and youth wings of the Communist Party of Revolutionary Marxists (CPRM), DRSF and DRYF, also joined the March to Parliament. They broke down the first two barricades, braving a severe lathicharge by police and Sashastra Seema Bal in which more than 50 students suffered severe injuries.

One wonders what the Sashastra Seema Bal was doing at Jantar Mantar and why they attacked the students and youth with no warning or provocation. Several AISA and RYA activists from Delhi, UP, and Andhra Pradesh have sustained head injuries and a comrade from Madhya Pradesh has fractured his leg in the lathi charge. Several students (including young women) were manhandled by male police. The police also detained AISA and RYA's national leadership and some activists for a short while but had to release them soon under pressure from thousands of students and youth who refused to walk away from the barricades at Jantar Mantar.

The march to Parliament was led by AISA President Sandeep Singh and General Secretary Ravi Rai, RYA President Mohd. Salim and General Secretary Kamlesh, DRYF leaders Sekhar Chhetri, Rabin Rai, and Arun Ghatani, DRSF leaders Birendra Giri and S Chamling, JNUSU President Sucheta De, RYA leaders Amarjit Kushwaha, Bal Mukund Dhuria, AISA leaders Abhyuday, Malay, Bharati, Diganta, and other AISA and RYA leaders of several states.

 Demonstration against Death of Migrant Workers

Eleven migrant workers from Assam and Odisha died in 2 mega projects in and around Chennai. On 6 August 10 migrant workers engaged in construction of a private college of education baron Jeppiar in Kanchipuram district, died and 50 were injured when the under construction concrete beam collapsed and fell on them. The adjoining wall for supporting the concrete column was not built and further construction work was being carried out to meet a deadline without any structural safety. The tragedy occurred when the workers were standing near the column.

AICCTU released posters immediately all over the state demanding action against the college authorities, implementation of inter-state Migrant Workers Act 1979 and the TN rules of the Act and Rs.20 lakhs in compensation to the families of each deceased. On 7 August AICCTU State Secretary Comrade Eraniappan and CWC member Comrade Mohan visited the injured workers in the Government hospital. They also visited the accident site. Jeppiar, Mariam Selvam, director of the college, the contractor and the mason were arrested.

On 8 August a crane in Chennai Metro Rail project crashed injuring 10 workers from Odisha and one of them died in the hospital. L&T manager and contractor were arrested. AICCTU held a demonstration on 10 August before Kanchipuram Collectorate stressing the demands.

 Demonstrations in Tamilnadu

About 150 members of Tamilnadu Electricity Board (TNEB) Dr. Ambedkar Employees & Engineers Association affiliated to All India Central Council of Trade Unions (AICCTU) held a demonstration at Dharmapuri on 24th July, demanding regularisation of contract labourers and promotion of masthurs to helpers. Com. Chandramohan, State Vice President was the main speaker. The demonstration called on the employees of electricity board to participate en-masse in the August 25 State-level Demonstration to be held at Chennai. Com. Murugan, office bearer of Dharmapuri circle led the demonstration. Demonstrators, most of them are contract employees demanded regularisation of contract employees as per the 1998 court order.

In Chidambaram, on 19 July, a dalit masthur had a fatal accident and Caste biased administration suspended one masthur, one lineman and one woman Assistant Engineer, all belonging to dalit community, whereas the assistant engineer responsible for the accident was let scot free because he is a non-dalit. A 200 strong demonstration held on 26th July including employees of engineer cadre demanded immediate withdrawal of punishment orders and action against the AE responsible for the fatal accident. Demonstration made it clear that AICCTU will not allow caste prejudices in the TNEB to prevail. Comrade Chandramohan also recalled the experiences of revolutionary movement in dealing with casteist organisations like Ranveer Sena.

There was a negotiation with Chief Engineer at Villupuram. In turn, he ordered withdrawal of suspension orders. General Secretary of the union Comrade Subramanian and Comrade Murugan of Dharmapuri participated in the demonstration.

 Statewide Agrarian Strike in Bihar at the Call of AIALA

A Statewide agrarian strike was enforced on 26 July by the Bihar unit of All India Agricultural Labourers' Association (AIALA) bringing to halt agricultural and farm work in thousands of village. During the strike the AIALA activists and members also held demonstrations at more than two hundred blocks to demanding from the Bihar Govt to stipulate Rs. 300 as minimum wage, linking of the MNREGA with the agricultural work, CBI enquiry into the Mahadalit land scam and urgent initiation of drought relief work in view of the impending drought.

This is the 7th year in power for the Nitish-Modi Govt that talks about development with justice, but, in no village or panchayat of the State the minimum agrarian wage fixed by the Govt is abided by. The workers are not even getting ten days of work under MNREGA which is supposed to guarantee hundred days of work in a year, neither the daily wage of Rs.151 fixed by the Govt. Due to its anti-poor character and reluctance the Govt is extremely sloppy in execution of work under MNREGA and is not even able to spend the specified sum allocated to MNREGA. In a State with one crore and three lakh (10.3 million) job cardholders, a mere sum of Rs. 4000 crore per annum is also going unspent, whereas a State like Rajasthan spends Rs.8000 crore, and on average a worker gets 50 days of work under MNREGA annually. Out of the money spent in Bihar 70 percent is gobbled up by the nexus of the corrupt officials, politicians and contractors and only the remaining 30 percent trickles down to the poor households. The Govt has proved to be completely insincere and vacuous on its own announcement to allot 3 dismil (decimal) land for homestead to landless and Mahadalits and scam after scam is surfacing under this scheme. This has opened floodgate of opportunities for the land mafia, landlords, thugs and rural bullies to loot and swindle the homestead land. Areas, most unsuitable for dwelling, such as land falling under river bed, ponds, canals and land prone to water logging, is being allotted to them. Atrocities against the poor, daily wagers and dalits has risen in the State and they are subjected to injustice routinely. Unjust verdict of the Patna High Court in Bathani Tola case, death sentence to ten persons and life imprisonment to four from mushahar caste in Khagaria, killings by police in Forbesganj, growing incidences of killings of workers in Arwal-Jehanabad, brutally beating of a child from poor family under allegation of theft and the barbarity of hammering of a nail in the leg are all burning instances of the growing atrocities against poor, dalits and minorities. As a result of acquisition of land for Govt projects in the State and the boost the egos of zamindars and kulaks has received from the ruling dispensation, the landless and poor are being evicted from their settlements. The official announcements of enlisting 1.5 crore (15 million) families in the below poverty (BPL) list, ensuring monthly ration and fuel, and making the educational-health programmes reach the doorsteps of the poor have all got stuck in web of institutionalised loot and the Govt is seen running away from its responsibilities everywhere.

In light of the above the State Council of the AIALA decided to hold a one-day agrarian strike on 26 July. Organised under the leadership of agricultural labourers-rural poor, statewide campaign was conducted for propagating information about this strike. One lakh leaflets were distributed during the preparations, hundreds of campaign materials, and tens of conferences were organised to create a statewide atmosphere. Prior to the strike study/survey work was conducted in several villages and the conditions leading to migration were studied. During the course of campaign several irregularities in land distribution and swindling of fund meant for mahadalits were also unearthed by the campaign teams often led by AIALA leaders of the region. Intense campaigns were conducted against cruelty against workers especially in Jehanabad.

Through the strike the issue of linking of MNREGA with farm and agricultural work was made the number one priority. Along with Rs.300 as minimum wage as per the recommendations of various labour commissions, and the agricultural labourers working the land of financially exhausted poor-middle peasants and sharecroppers be paid with the help of MNREGA. This has had a positive impact and it was observed that it has created a new basis for a broader unity among the agrarian workers and small-middle peasants.

At some places the demonstrators also taught some lesson to the corrupt and irresponsible officials (BDOs). Rural poor also confronted the biased police at some places and forced them to release their arrested comrades. AIALA organised such a strike for the third time. The form of this movement challenging and encircling the Govt on the issues of rural poor-agrarian labourers has proved to be effective and a new phase of independent class assertion of the rural poor has taken shape. A lot remains to be done to develop this form of movement.

 CPI(ML) and Various Mass Organisations Held Dharna in Front of Bihar Vidhan Sabha

The Monsoon session of the Bihar State Assembly was extremely brief. When JD(U)-BJP were in opposition they had demanded to make the sessions longer (Left parties have always firmly insisted on longer sessions of the Assembly), but now the Nitish-Modi Govt too is shamelessly continuing the tradition of running the administration through the subjective decisions of the cabinet and keeping the sessions as brief as possible. In this brief session, the opposition inside the Assembly did not go in for vehement protest against the Govt on several issues except for raising the issue of a gang-rape of a student in Patna.

The CPI(ML) and its various mass organisations- AIALA, Inquilabi Muslim Conference, AIKM and AIPWA - as the real opposition outside the Vidhan Sabha, held protest demonstrations in Patna and series of dharnas in front of the Vidhan Sabha raising burning issues of the people of Bihar as continuance of the series of movements against the JD(U)-BJP Govt, for justice and democracy. The dharnas were addressed by Party's General Secretary among other Central and State leaders.

 Tributes

Comrade Haricharan Teli passed away on 12th August, 2012, after a brief illness. He was around 90, and is survived by a son and three daughters. His another son Comrade Gobinda Teli was assassinated along with 6 others on 25 February, 1980 at village Hurua, Dharmanagar, Tripura, by the police of Left Front Govt then headed by CPI(M)'s Chief Minister Nripen Chakraborty. Comrade Haricharan Teli was one of the few comrades in Tripura who joined CPI(ML) in its early underground days. His house provided one of the main shelters for Party activists and leaders; till today it continues to do so.

After Hurua Genocide where his son Gobinda was assassinated, he played an active role in the formation of Hurua Hatya Birodhi Sangram Samiti, and after four days of incident under his leadership a mass rally was organized against the killings by the police. As part of this initiative the Party was able to prove before the Justice A K De Inquiry Commission that the police murdered them in cold blood.

He also earned admiration and respect from other intellectuals for his bold and persuasive initiatives. Comrade Teli was hard working and even in his last days he always felt inspired by the spirit of the Naxalbari Movement and by news of other mass movements. Party leaders and activists as well as common people gathered at his house to remember and pay tributes to Comrade Haricharan Teli.

Red salute to Comrade Haricharan Teli

 

Edited, published and printed by S. Bhattacharya for CPI(ML) Liberation from U-90, Shakarpur, Delhi-92; printed at Bol Publication, R-18/2, Ramesh Park, Laxmi Nagar, Delhi-92; Phone:22521067; fax: 22442790, e-mail: mlupdate@cpiml.org, website: www.cpiml.org